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CONTRIVANCES OF GERMANY’S MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS – 2015-4

In the issue of the recognition of Armenian Genocide

Summery

Doctor Zhirayr A. Kocharyan (Berlin)

Keywords – Germany, the Armenian Genocide, the Bundestag, the First World War, Johannes Lepsius, honest umpire, recognition, Madame Merkel, refugees.

The response of German media (TV, radio) and the cultural, academic and human rights events at the occasion of centenary were extremely numerous and went above and beyond everything that Armenians in Germany were used to so far. In a parliamentary debate on April 24, 2015 representatives of all fractions made impressive speeches, in particular the President of the Bundestag Prof. Lammert, who clearly qualified and condemned the “events of 1915” as genocide.

Four factors seem to be instrumental for this qualitatively and quantitatively intensive statements: 1) the exemplary and significant speech by Pope Francis during a memorial service on April 12, 2015 2) the antipathy of parliamentary German opposition against the ruling conservatives, 3) an enhanced sense of history in the German majority society, and 4) the distancing from Erdoğan’s Neo-Ottoman policy.

The Bundestag is facing 15 years in a bid to recognize the genocide of the Armenians, i.e. to make a legally qualified vote in the spirit of the UN Genocide Convention. Whilst in 2005 the Bundestag unanimously adopted a resolution that admitted German co-responsibility, the German lawmakers avoided, at the same time, an own position whether the “expulsion” and “massacres” of 1915 qualify as a genocide.

The influence of the executive on the legislature, incompatible with the democratic principle of separation of powers, has an unfortunate tradition in Germany’s policy towards Turkey and Armenia: In 1915, Prime Minister Bethmann Hollweg prevented a critical distancing of his country from the Ottoman extermination policy, citing the priority of German-Ottoman military alliance. Although German political decision makers were better informed than other governments about destruction of Christian co-religionists in the allied Ottoman Empire, the German public was not allowed to know anything about these crimes. Until the end of World War I strict military censorship prevented any objective press reporting over Armenia and Turkey.

As a result of a century of silence, until this day there exists no comprehensive scientific review of precise German debt proportion in Germany. No German historian, no university has ever conducted research on this topic. The subject was entirely left to journalists and non-historians. In the increasingly pluralistic society of Germany, in which the descendants of the Muslim perpetrators and the oriental Christian victims live together now, scientific and political inaction bear negative results.

“HUKKANA’S TREATY” AS THE DIPLOMATIC DOCUMENT OF THE HISTORY OF ARMENIA – 2015-4

Summary

Robert P. Ghazaryan

Key words – Hukkana, Suppiluliuma, Hayasa, Hatti, agreement, Mary, Tudhaliya, Mitanni, Hatti King, diplomacy, border security, an ally, Hattusa.

During the reign of the king of Hatti Suppiluliuma I, Hatti signed a number of interstate treaties with the rulers of the neighboring and subject countries. Those treaties mainly aimed at ensuring Hatti’s dominant position in the region. Chronologically the treaty Hatti signed with Hukkana is probably the second treaty with Hayasa (Azzi). According to the treaty Hukkana was not to recognize the legitimacy of anyone else’s rule in Hatti except that of Suppiluliuma I, his heir son or other sons and brothers. In return, Suppiluliuma promised to treat Hukkana and his heir the same way. Their sons were to have the same mutual obligation to each other. Both parties undertook to show military support to each other against enemies. They also had to warn about any conspiracy against each other. It can be assumed from the treaty that Suppiluliuma had invited Hukkana to the Hittite count, had his sister married to him, signed a treaty with him after which he sent Hukkana to Hayasa, probably with Hittite troops. This can mean that Hukkana had established himself or was going to establish himself in Hayasa with the Hittite support. Thus, Hukkana had to ensure the safety of the northeastern borders of Hatti for Suppiluliuma to be able to move his army to the south – against Mitanni. Thus, Suppiluliuma I wanted to diplomatically disconnect the countries of the Armenian Highland from Mitanni, the main antagonist of Hatti, and to receive military support from those countries. It can be mentioned that Hukkana’s treaty, being one of the most important treaties of the Ancient Orient, is at the same time the first comparably completely preserved treaty, the oldest diplomatic document of the Armenian history.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE AND THE RIGHT OF NATIONS TO SELF-DETERMINATION – 2015-4

Against european solidarity of the great powers

Summary

Tigran R. Yepremyan

Key words – Napoleon Bonaparte, European System, nation, self-determination, sovereignty, liberty, equality, Armenians, the Congress of Vienna, legitimacy, equilibrium.

The article comparatively examines the new paradigm in international relations based on the French revolutionary ideas and sifted by Napoleon Bonapart. The armies of the Revolutionary France were transforming Europe in accordance with the republican values and the universal principles of Liberté, Égalité and Fraternité. In this context the goal of Napoleon’s policy of exporting the French Revolution was the creation of commonwealth of European sovereign nations, which was to supersede ancien régime and sovereign monarchs, based on the European equilibrium. His policy marked an important step towards the formation of the right of self-determination of nations. The Napoleonic structural and institutional reforms promoted the rise of the national ideologies and the modernization of European societies and states into modern nation-states. Thus, the Napoleonic period marked the transition from the ancien régime to the modern era.

The French Revolution was the first great pan-European social upheaval, which had a secular logic, thus affecting also the neighbouring Islamic world.

Moreover, its ideas caused a great schism between Christianity and states affecting the very basis of group cohesion and creating new patterns of loyalty and new paradigms of identity formation. Thus, the ideas of French Revolution found their reflections also among the Christian subjects of the Ottoman Empire. Particularly, the Greek and the Armenian elite of Constantinople, who were familiar with the Western culture, were linguistically and intellectually prepared to accept the revolutionary ideas. The idea of liberty in the Ottoman context acquired a new political content becoming the war-cry of the national liberation struggles of the oppressed people against the Ottoman despotism. The idea of equality due to the corporative structure of the Ottoman society found itself in a different context having little effect when appealing to the individuals, but getting profound response while appealing to the ethnic or religious groups. Thus, the idea of equality was raised from individualistic level to the interethnic level and found its expression as equality between nations, which was later raised to the right of self-determination of nations.

The Napoleonic “Grand Empire,” which was stretching from Holland to Poland and from Spain to Balkans, represented a conglomeration of three groups of territories: annexed lands, conquered countries, and allied countries. Conditionally we call this as the Napoleonic System of International Relations, where the ideas of national sovereignty, liberty and fraternal equality were recognized at least in the ideological sense. Remarkably, Napoleon’s European policy had a profound influence on both ideological and structural unification of Europe. The creation of administrative and legal uniformity, economic unity, and the territorial reorganization in various parts of Europe helped to stimulate national aspirations.

In contrast to the Napoleonic system the victorious conservative powers gathered in Vienna for the refoundation of Europe made their decisions based on the principles of équilibre, légitimité and compensation trying to stop the general transformation. Thus, Napoleon’s concept of the integration of European nations was replaced with the great powers’ Concert of Europe. However, Napoleon’s victories and the French hegemony over Europe proved the supremacy of the French nation-state and sent a clear signal to the European rulers that modernization of state apparatus based on the French model was indispensable if they wanted to survive and to continue playing a decisive role in the international arena.

ABOUT THE ART OF CONTEMPORARY ARMENIAN ICONOGRAPHER FROM ROMANIA DEACON HAIK AZARYAN – 2015-4

Summery

Lusine V. Sargsyan

Key words – icon, wall-painting, “Deesis”, Jesus Christ, Mother of God, John Baptist, Saint Anne, iconography, style, Eastern Christian church painting.

This article is devoted to the iconographer Hayk Azaryan’s monumental wall-painting (“Deesis” which decorates the hall of the Diocese of Armenian Apostolic Church in Bucharest) and tempera paintings (three icons of the newbuilt Saint Anne Church in Yerevan: “Mother of God and the Child”, “St. Anne with Mother of God and the Child” and “St. Anne Embracing Mother of God”). These works reveal the author as a talented artist who has the consciousness of the iconographic canons of icons and is faithful to their true traditions. As compared with miniature painting, the art of Icon has its problems, which require new ways of solution from the artist. Painter Azaryan professionally turned miniature sample into monumental or tempera painting. The environment, in which the painter was educated and created his masterpieces up to now, has had a significant impact on his unique style of art, thanks to which his works can be seen in the overall frame of the development of the Eastern Christian religious traditions of iconography. He imports into Armenian contemporary iconography such scenes (such as the images of St. Anne), the traces of which can be observed in the Eastern and Western Christian church paintings, yet it lacks in the Armenian art. H. Azaryan’s art works highlight the parallelism of his works and worldwide Christian art directions and developments. This was the path of Armenian art since the 4th century, which continues until now.

HOVHAN VORTNETSY’S METAPHYSICAL AND ONTOLOGICAL VIEWS – 2015-4

Dedicated to the 700th anniversary

Summary

Seyran A. Zakaryan

Key words – Ontology, Proofs of the Existence of God, Monotheism, Creation, Providence, Faith, Reason.

The article analyses the prominent Armenian Medieval theologian and philosopher Hovhan Vortnetsy’s (1315-1388) metaphysical and ontological views, in particular, the issues on the existence of God, monotheism, divine names, God and the world, creation and providence, discussed by him. As a philosophizing theologian Vorotnetsi, discussing religious-theological issues, firstly, introduces their philosophical solutions, criticizes and denies the approaches that contradict the Revelation truths and the church doctrine and, secondly, he tries to justify the religious truths and the principle of the Christian faith through philosophical material and methods, logical and rational arguments. In particular, in order to justify the existence and nature of God, providence, monotheism and creation, he suggests rational proofs based on facts and evidence as well as on metaphysical paradigms (universal movement, determinism, necessity, accident and advisability). Although his metaphysics and ontology, which are mostly based on Aristotle’s teaching, are only an introduction to theology: on the one hand, they illustrate the high reputation and status of Philosophy and Logic and, on the other hand, they reveal the growth of interest in experience-based evidence.

HENRIK EDOYAN. POET, THEORIST AND ART CRITIC – 2015-4

On the occasion of the 75th anniversary

Summary

Tadevos A. Khachatryan

Key words – Poetry, ontology, classic, text, culture, language, essence, reading, orientation, time, philosophy, modernism, science.

Unfortunately it can not be stated that the Armenian poetry is widely recognized outside Armenia, at least as far as we would like it to be, and thet fact makes our suggestions somehow conditional. In the Armenian poetry of the last century, there are three key changes in discourse, which are much more significant than ideological dissension. Thus, Teryan and Metsarents finally resolved the conflicts of the 19th century between history and poetry in favor of poetry. With the advent of Sevak the conflict between the individual and the collective was resolved in favour of the individual. And the third change concerns postsevak period when the “ego” is rejected in favor of the essence, that is when, according to Agamben – the subject, not the person creates poetry.

For Henrik Edoyan literature is primarily a discipline, a way of life, a ground, the only way to confront the chaos of life. For him, language is a new city, but with no mazes and old buildings. It’s not the century who speaks in his city, but the time.

The origins of Edoyan’s poetry are different. His poems often refer to the sources, that cover virtually all the areas of cultural map. His poems are very rich in overtones, so that sometimes it seems that the text disappears. Edoyan’s cultural orientation toward the West could become the cornerstone of his poetry, if the West was not so materialistic. As such could be considered the East, if the immateriality of the latter would not lead to abstractionism. In short, the East and the West intersect in his poetry as a cultural dimension, where the only link between them is the Word. Edoyan does not accept a linear concept of time and its irreversibility. “Endless pattern of eternity” that exists outside of time.

Edoyan is an exceptional urbanist, which is another feature that makes him different from pantheists and dialects’ enthusiasts living in the city.

Edoyan created himself as a thinker and personality. His poetry is of great importance for the understanding of contemporary poetry’s epistemology. Many of his poems are a kind of meditation.

At the moment when pseudo-modernism becomes dominant, the real modernism represented by Edoyan becomes classics.

PARLIAMENTARY GOVERNMENT EXPERIENCE OF THE FIRST REPUBLIC – 2015-4

Summary

Ararat M. Hakobyan

Key words – Constitution, Parliament, Sh. Shahamiryan, government, party, opposition, Democratic Republic, H. Kajaznuni, A. Sahakyan, agenda, Armenian assembly, proportional voting system, legislative and executive authorities, Bureau of the Board.

The idea of parliamentarianism has deep roots in Armenia, since the 18th century, when on the initiative of Sh. Shahamiryan and his party in Madras the work “Trap of ambition” was made up that is estimated as constitution. However, the parliamentary system of government was first implemented during the First Republic of Armenia.

RA parliamentary history can be divided into three stages. The first stage covers the period of the first convocation of the Board of Armenia from August 1, 1918 until the end of April in 1919, when the Parliament was the supreme organ of state power and its jurisdiction included not only legislative, but also part of the executive, administrative and even judicial functions. In the absence of the constitution and the presidency, the prime minister was considered to be the first official figure who, together with his cabinet, was elected by parliament and thus was accountable to the parliament and the latter could express trust or distrust with respect to the Prime Minister.

Armenian assembly was made of four political parties and none of them, including the ARF Dashkaktsutyun, formed a stable majority. This period can be regarded as democratic due to the formation of a coalition in the government (ARF and ADP), which ensured a stable majority for the smooth management of the country.

The 2nd stage of the parliamentary government of Armenia covers the second half of 1919 (from August 1) to May 5, 1920. At this stage, parliament and government were balancing each other. The overwhelming majority of the seats in the newly elected parliament belonged to the ARF Dashnaktsutyun (72 seats out of 80), and in these circumstances, the government again was elected by Parliament and was accountable to it. The ruling party ARF was a link between the government and the ARF Bureau.

The situation changed dramatically during the third stage (May-November 1920). After external and internal threats hovered over the republic (the May speech of Bolsheviks in 1920, the escalation of Turkish-Tatar disorders, the ultimatum of the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan to Armenia, etc.), ARF Bureau had to take control of the country with all the staff (7 members and 3 candidates for membership of the party), while the Parliament was sent on forced leave for several months. It is quite difficult to speak of a parliamentary system of government at this stage.

Nevertheless, though during its short political life the First Republic (2.5 years) bore unusually difficult conditions, both external and internal threats, the lack of a constitution, as well as the lack of management experience and weak opposition and could not properly introduce the idea of parliamentarianism, one can be sure that during the Third Republic these ideas are going to be finally materialized and implemented.

THE SEQUENCE OF NECESSITY AND CONTINGENCY IN LANGUAGE – 2015-4

Summary

Siranush G. Hovhannisyan

Keywords – Contingency, necessity, stream of events, consciousness, subconsciousness, unconscious sphere, language, language variant, language mean of expression.

The article focuses on two fundamental concepts of philosophy -contingency and necessity. First, these two concepts are presented as events acting consecutively in an entire stream of events. There are two streams of events – the ones, composed of necessities only and others, comprising contingencies. Then, the role of this pair of notions is presented also in terms of linguistics. It is emphasized that contingency doesn’t exist objectively; it’s merely the perception of unpredictable necessity as a contingency. From this point of view we differentiate between three types of contingency- that of overall perception, that of general perception and that of private perception. The same can be said about language which although is developing due to contingencies , but is a system of necessities as an entity.

JEAN-PAUL DEMOULE, MAIS OÙ SONT PASSÉS LES INDO-EUROPÉENS? – 2015-3

Summary

Vrezh – Armen E. Artinian

Keywords – Indo-Europeans, Indo-European languages, Indo-European migrations and expansion, Branching out of IndoEuropean languages (language tree), Original Indo-European people, Indo-European primary homeland, Proto-Indo-European language, Archeology, Linguistics, Anthropology, Mythology, History, Racist diversion

In «MAIS OÙ SONT PASSÉS LES INDO-EUROPÉENS?» (Le mythe d’origine de l’Occident, La librairie du XXIe siècle, Seuil, France 2014, 748 pp), its author, Jean-Paul Demoule challenges those for whom nothing remains unsolved in the questions concerning the existence of an original Indo-European people, their primary homeland and a proto-Indo-European language. He is convinced that, with the available data in the fields of archeology, linguistics, biology and mythology, we cannot confirm without hesitation the existence of such a primary people and determine its migrations and territorial conquests, and that other explanations have to be sought to interpret the irrefutable similarities between the Indo-European languages.

Demoule summarizes the 12 canonical theses related to the origins of the Indo-European family of languages, their branching out, the relationships between the languages constituting that family, the common homeland and its location, the migrations of the Indo-Europeans, their various cultural manifestations, mythology, the ideology of the supremacy of the Aryan race, etc. He analyses them in detail in the different chapters of the book, then presents his antitheses, concluding that we cannot consider the beginnings and the prehistory of Europe as a genealogical succession of societies, ethnic groups and «cultures», but the history of a multipolar world in continuous recomposition. A similar model can be considered also for the languages. Thanks to the abundant information gathered and the modern technological means we have today, those problems can be thoroughly researched in the future.

DEVELOPMENTS IN CENTRAL PRISON OF YEREVAN FROM 14 TO 18 FEBRUARY 1921 – 2015-3

New details concerning the crimes committed by Armenian revolutionary committee

Summary

Gevorg S. Stepanyan

Key words – Armenian Revolutionary Committee, ARF Dashnaktsutyun, the Cheka, arrest, Bandus, Vardan Tellalyan (V. Bakur), deprivation of liberty, Mushegh Aghayan, Hamazasp, Oliver Baldwin, hacked to death.

On December 2, 1920, at 13:00 the representatives of the government of Armenia Drastamat Kanayan (Dro) and Hambartsum Terteryan and the authorized representative of Soviet Russia – Boris Legrand signed an agreement consisted of an 8-points in Yerevan, by which the government of the country peacefully passed into the hands of Armenian Revolutionary Committee. According to the fourth and fifth points of the agreement, Russia and the Revolutionary Committee undertook not to use violence against the military structure, the former members of the government and the leaders of ARF Dashnaktsutyun. But the Bolsheviks did not fulfill any of the points of agreement, their aim was to carry out regime change by civil war, bloodshed and the class struggle. As a result of the ongoing violence and arrests, in February 1921, the Cheka prison, as well as a the military prison and the central prison of Yerevan were full of political prisoners. On February 14, the Cheka began secret extrajudicial executions at the prison of Yerevan, thus many Armenian intellectuals and prominent figures of the ARF Dashnaktsutyun fell victim to it. February 16-18 were the worst days in the central prison in Yerevan. Cheka decided to begin executions and massacres in the night from 16 to 17 February. Bloody holiday was personally headed by Avis Nurijanyan, Suleyman Nuri – Turk by nationality, S. Amirkhanyan and Tatar butcher of Hantari market in Yerevan, whose name was Tahir. At night from 17 to 18 February the central prison turned into a slaughterhouse, executions and murders with an ax were recommenced. Among the victims were such priceless Armenian heroes of the national liberation struggle and prominent military figures as Hamazasp (Srvandztyants), Nick. Ghorghanyan, Makedon Hakobjanyan, Vardan Tellalyan – officer from Sebastia and others. Regarding the number of dead prisoners some clarifying information is provided by Martiros of Bashgarni: According to the data of Chief Bureau of Kanaker district, 75 people were shot and hacked to death.