Category Archives: SCIENTIFIC


New discoveries regarding the activities of the Turkish National Intelligence Service

Aram S. Sayiyan

In the second half of the 1970’s, the internal political situation in the
Republic of Turkey remained tense. Larger and larger masses of the population of Turkey were joining leftist views. The situation became more complicated when the public and the political forces of the national minorities, such as ASALA or the Kurdish Workers’ Party, also joined them. The Turkish military leadership incited right-wing nationalist groups under its influence to clash with the leftist parties to create chaos in the country, and then to create a demand for a “strong hand” among the Turkish public in order to carry out a military coup and stop the influence of the socialists and the Soviet Union. Members of nationalist group «Bozkurt» Abdullah Chatli, Oral Chelik and Mehmed Ali Aghja killed several socialists in Ankara in 1978 and in the next year – socialist Abdi Ipekchi, who was the editor of “Milliyet»” newspaper and then moved to Europe. In 1981 Mehmed Ali Aghja carried out an assassination attempt othe Pope.

In 1975, ASALA, the secret army for the liberation of Armenia, was created in Lebanon. After a short time, the organization and other Armenian groups began to carry out terrorist activities in Europe and North America, mainly against the Turkish diplomats, in order to attract the attention of the Western governments and the international structures to the forgotten Armenian issue. However, when ASALA warriors captured Ankara’s Esenbogha airport and a Turkish military attaché was killed in Ottawa in August 1982, the Turkish authorities decided to resort to punitive measures. Although the Turkish National Intelligence Service wanted to carry out these operations with its regular officers, president Kenan Evren ordered them to be carried out by the nationalist groups who fled to Europe after the military coup of 1980, so that the punitive actions would be presented as the response of the Turkish community. Among the nationalist groups that fled to Europe, the most famous was the group of Abdullah Chatli and Oral Chelik, who were mainly involved in the sale of heroin. The Turkish intelligence service provided them with a list of the Armenian targets, as well as explosive materials. In addition, the NIS also attracted other terrorist groups to punitive actions against Armenians: the Kurdish El-Zein family living in Lebanon, and the Iraqi Turkmen group in Holland. From 1984 to1985 these groups carried out a number of terrorist operations against Armenians and their sturctures in different coutries of Europe by assasiatig their leaders.

In addition to terrorist activities, the Turkish authorities also used economic and political levers in the fight against the Armenians, attracting the interest of the Western powers to the Turkish market liberalized after the military coup, as well as maintaining active political contacts with them, as a result of which many Western countries recognized ASALA as a terrorist organization.


Hamlet K. Davtyan

There is a common belief that the Armenian name Davit (Դավիթ) is a slightly phonetic modification of the Jewish name David, which means beloved, lover. However, the popularity of the name both in the West and in the East is not a necessary condition for assuming that the Armenian form is also borrowed. By looking for the roots of the name, it is noticeable that the two versions of the name were common among Armenians: Davit and Tavit. Which of these is the oldest? Is it a problem of pronunciation, what does the Armenian version of the name mean – these are the questions discussed in the article.


And its Armenian translation

Gohar K. Grigoryan

Herman Melville, one of the most influential writers of the 19th century, wrote “Bartleby, the Scrivener” in 1853 for Putnam’s magazine, which is considered one of his most representative works. His iconic short story “Bartleby, the Scrivener” brings to light the notion of alienation of a man in the capitalistic society. It has been a subject of intense critical scrutiny due to its ambiguous nature and enigmatic symbols.

“Rostom’s unpublished letters” – 2022-4

Prepared for publication, edited and
commented by Yervand Pamboukian, series “Vem” № 4, Yerevan,
publishing house “Lusakn”, 2022, 732 pages

Hovik B. Grigoryan

One of the founders and key figures of ARF Dashnaktsutyun, Rostom
(Stepan Zoryan) was one of the influential figures of the Armenian social and
political thought of his era, who was always in the center of events related to the
Armenian society. Therefore, putting new documents related to him into scientific
circulation goes beyond personal and party spheres, and becomes the subject of
interest of historians and political scientists.


Aram S. Sayiyan

This article presents the history of the creation and the activities of Turkish
special services and groups in the Ottoman Empire from 1919 to1923. After the
war, special groups began to operate in the vilayets not yet occupied by the allies.
Among these groups, the most powerful was Karakol, which existed for almost a
year and a half, and ceased to exist on March 16, 1920, when the Entente troops
occupied Istanbul and arrested the leaders of the organization. The officers of
“Karakol” who remained at large, headed by Lieutenant Colonel Muglalı Mustafa
Bey, formed the “Officers’ Group”, and in February of 1921 he was forced to
change the name of the organization to “Yavuz”. In the end, Mustafa Bey, in order
not to be captured by the British, leaved Istanbul for Ankara and the group ceased
to exist. In addition to these groups, there were other secret organizations in
Istanbul and Anatolia that acted independently.



A Comparative Analysis of the Positions of the Global and Regional Actors towards the Second Artsakh War

Lilit V. Dallakyan

The article attempts to identify the causes of the Second Artsakh war, the framework of the potential winners, as well as the obvious losers. Attention is particularly paid to the consequences of the war, the new challenges Armenia is facing, as well as the potential opportunities that have opened up for Armenia. New strategic directions of development are presented; the urgent questions requiring making decisions in external and integral policy, goals and direction of possible diversification in foreign policy are being discussed.

In the new geopolitical situation Armenia is facing new challenges and at the same time is getting new opportunities. If after the Second Artsakh war Armenia found itself squeezed between Russian-Turkish power and decisions were imposed on Yerevan, including over the Zangezur corridor, then with the change of the president in the United States and the escalation of the Russian-American conflict in Ukraine, Armenia had a chance to maneuver. It is already clear that the Ukrainian crisis is part of a large game that began with Putin’s famous Munich speech and the goal of which was to change the centers of power in the geopolitical scene. At the same time, it is obvious that the US has begun to show interest in traditionally Russian spheres of influence. Today, the West, in particular the United States and France, are active not only in Armenian-Azerbaijani, but also in Armenian-Turkish relations, and activated their efforts within the framework of the Minsk Group.

The second Artsakh war showed that for 30 years Armenia did not succeed in either domestic or foreign policy, has no allies in the international arena, did not use the potential of the army without transforming and modernizing it. It is vital for the RA to modernize the army, create a competitive economy, deepen relations with the Diaspora and use its financial, intellectual and lobbying potential, including concerning Armenian question and legitimize the demands of Armenia.

Today, more than ever, the time has come for making important decisions for the country and for changes in strategic thinking, and delay in making these decisions can lead to irreversible consequences and be destructive for the Armenian statehood.



Ovik G. Musaelyan (Stepanakert)
This article discusses a number of fundamental problems concerning the internal relations of a literary text and affecting the role of the “secret code” in the process of its perception. This process of perception takes into account the fact that  literary creation itself is a closed system, and internal structural relations are
essential in assessing the value of a fiction. Regardless of the story structure, meaning and content of the fiction, these relationships are its key part, uniting the main structural elements and typological features of the text. At the same time, these relations determine the possibilities, boundaries and aesthetic criteria of the
metaphysical perception of art. Each significant fiction carries a secret that has not been fully revealed, the presence of which makes literary creativity accessible
mainly at the highest levels of intuition. The deeper the mystery is the more layered the creativity. This principle operates not only in fiction, but also in all other genres of art, revealing the originality of each artwork and emphasizing its features. This analysis is based on aesthetic, cultural, psychoanalytic theoretical generalizations of samples of classical and modern art and aims to give a more reasonable idea of the role and significance of the phenomena under consideration.


And the durability of institutions

Naira Zh. Mkrtchyan
The events, taken place in Armenia and around it recently, have made acute the issue of reconstruction of life within polity as it faces various challenges. The changes within polity are viewed as the only true way of resolution of the situation emerged. And first of all, it deals with the institutions, their durability and design of social order in general. The need and necessity of reconstruction of polity via changes are evidences of an actuality of crisis in it. In effect, throughout centuries Armenia experienced different crises and reconstructions of life in society (in community). The last one of them was caused by the independence of Armenia and collapse of the USSR. As a result, liberal democracy became the ideological frame for the initiated reconstruction in polity. In the background of these institutional changes, the ruptures between past and present have huge impact not only on durability of institutions but also on resilience of social order.

Taking into consideration the importance of durability of institutions, these (temporal) ruptures between past and present completed by spatial ones enable to grasp the recurrent long-term losses and short-term restorations of Armenian state and statehood in a new light and find solutions for getting out of this unchangeable rut.


And the prospects of forming an anti-Turkish alliance


Lilit V. Dallakyan

In recent years, trying to rediscover its role in the international arena,
Turkey expanded its influence in the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East and the
South Caucasus, using military, political and economic instruments. However, such
persistent and retrospective efforts led to the emergence of new obstacles and
barriers to Turkish progress, the accumulation of which over time can lead to the
formation of an anti-Turkish alliance.

Turkey is trying to use the so-called “bubble effect” in the international
arena. That is, that state, not having enough power politically and economically,
especially without being a superpower, artificially increases its role in the
international arena, trying to extort dividends from its strategic position and
simultaneous military presence in different regions. Obsessed with the ideas of
Pan-Turkism and neo-Ottomanism, Erdogan is ready to send troops to any part of
the world, because by creating zones of instability, he tries to force the great
powers to take him into account and to make concessions on important issues for
him.Taking into account the serious economic problems as the consequences of the
epidemic, the desire of the superpowers not to get involved in an active military
conflicts, the fear of terrorism and refugees issues, Turkey uses the policy of
blackmail to achieve its goals.Turkey has already created zones of instability in a
number of regions; he is waging a geopolitical struggle against the countries in the
same military alliance with him. They can be divided into three main directions:
the Mediterranean Sea, the Middle East and the South Caucasus. At the same time,
it should be noted that these issues are interrelated.

The increase of the element of nationalism in the content of Turkey’s foreign
policy is closely connected with the circumstances of the coalition with the nationalists
in the domestic political life. As a result, the country’s economic situation is
deteriorating day by day, so the time to extort dividends by speaking in the language of
blackmail with the international community is running out. Meanwhile, Erdogan has
plunged Turkey into such complicated deadlocks in domestic politics, foreign policy,
economy and even in civilazional issues, that his resignation will not be a sufficient
condition for coming out of them soon. But the whole problem is that the Turkish
president has intention to do everything to stay in power by the time of the celebration
of the 100th anniversary of the Republic of Turkey in 2023.

In all likelihood, a stubborn adventure of Erdogan is somewhat fueled by
certain Western powers, which, losing their former geopolitical function, see
Turkey as a tool to deepen confrontations on several playing fields and even a
playing card sacrificed for that purpose.

Therefore, on the one hand, they are now strengthening their defense alliance
with Greece, encouraging the formation of an anti-Turkish alliance already underway
in the Eastern Mediterranean, on the other hand, provoke Erdogan’s majestic winds
and directing him to Crimea, Ukraine and especially Central Asia. This wedge removal
policy is the old and also new methodology of Hitler’s pacification, in the role of which
Erdogan is forgiven for threatening to expel the ambassadors of the leading Western
countries. As the role of the Eastern Hitler assumed by Erdogan is not a direct threat to
the West, but to Armenia, Iran, Russia, and in the prospect for China, at some point, the
formation of an anti-Turkish alliance may unite the parties of the global confrontation,
especially the interests of Russia and the USA, as the Russian-Turkish Munich, which
made Armenia and Artsakh a new Czechoslovakia, has already failed on a global level.
Russia and Turkey have no longer territories to concede to each other, so the field of
their possible anti-western deal has been severely narrowed. Instead, the likelihood of a
deal with the West based on the third is superfluous principle against each other
increased, which could lead to the formation of a broad anti-Turkish collaboration
based on a combination of US and Russian interests.