An example of RA regions and enlarged communities

Vahan V. Yengidunyan

Keywords – Enlarged community, region, territorial governance, vulnerability, spatial organization, socio-spatial planning, spatial control, cluster analysis, adaptive capacity, sense of place, spatial engagement, local leadership.

Summary

From the point of view of the territorial management of settlements, primary importance is given to the creation of a comfortable and functional environment for the residents. Territorial management of settlements is quite a sensitive process, because each unjustified change can significantly harm the daily operations of the residents, increasing the vulnerability of the settlement in the context of possible changes. From the point of view of the above-mentioned risks management, it is more important than ever to harmonize the professional approaches of territorial management strategy development with the endogenous and exogenous factors of settlement reproduction. Since territorial management is manifested in the dimensions of spatial organization, socio-spatial planning and spatial control, then the process of harmonization is logically derived from the realities in these dimensions. The process of community enlargement has been completed in RA and the methodological and procedural features of its implementation allow us to assume that there is an unequal distribution based on vulnerability, both in RA regions and in enlarged communities. Taking into account the possible negative impact of the above-mentioned assumption on the stable operation of settlements, as well as the lack of research knowledge aimed at this issue, the research was conducted to identify the most vulnerable regions of the Republic of Armenia and enlarged communities in the context of territorial governance, as well as to identify the characteristics of the manifestation of vulnerability in these settlements.

As a result of the research, it became clear that inequality according to vulnerability in RA regions and enlarged communities is observable in the context of spatial organization, socio-spatial planning and spatial control. In particular, the analysis of demographic and socio-economic indicators at the level of spatial organization makes it clear that on average Syunik and Vayots Dzor regions have the smallest number of inhabitants per settlement. Parallelly, the highest score of population dispersion in the enlarged communities was recorded in the Tatev enlarged community of Syunik. The picture is the same, also in the context of the comparative analysis of employment and education indicators in settlements. In particular, if in the case of employment there are labor and labor resources, then in the case of education, there is student attendance per public educational institution, which also records the lowest scores in the Vayots Dzor region. The highly unequal population distribution between the southwestern and southern regions of RA is a significant risk for managing the resources and opportunities of the territories. The uncontrollable processes of urbanization, in the context of which the population is concentrated in specific settlements, violates the principle of ensuring equal opportunities for the development of settlements, because in the perspective of short-term strategy, it is not advisable to implement large-scale projects in settlements with a decreasing population. It is interesting that, if the vulnerability of Vayots Dzor and Syunik regions is more emphasized in the dimension of spatial organization compared to other regions, then in the context of socio-spatial planning, Gegharkunik region stands out with multidimensional vulnerability. The vulnerability of Gegharkunik region is manifested, in particular, in terms of health conditions and average monthly income of households. Finally, the most vulnerable enlarged communities and settlements with the spatial control component belong to Syunik and VayotsDzor. The vulnerability of these regions in terms of spatial control is especially evident in the state-local government-residents relationship, where local residents meet and interact with the local government rarely and the state’s subsidies to the settlements of these regions are the smallest. At the same time, in these regions, there is the lowest quality of public services.

The vulnerability of RA regions and enlarged communities was investigated, also by clustering indicators of sense of place, spatial engagement and local leadership, which are considered components of socio-spatial planning and spatial control. The obtained results prove that only Gegharkunik region belongs to the cluster with relatively low indicators and Gavar is the only enlarged community belonging to this cluster. The obtained results prove that there is multidimensional vulnerability in Gegharkunik, Syunik and Vayots Dzor regions, which makes the enlarged communities of these regions and the settlements that make up these communities less flexible to possible changes. In these conditions, more than ever, the development of separate territorial development procedures is important, which, in connection with the general principles of the development of the RA regions, will monitor and promptly respond to every change taking place in the settlements of the mentioned marzes.

Summary

Anna J. Tomeyan

Despite sharing a cultural heritage and history, political and ideological differences between the two parts of the same nation on the Korean Peninsula have led to the creation of unique identities.

The article emphasizes the important role of education in creation of a single identity and the reunification of Korea. Because we can consider understanding the characteristics of national identity and the role of education as the key to the reunification of the Korean nation. Education servs as a primary means of transmitting cultural values and shaping national identity. In the Korean context, the education systems reflect the two states’ unique historical experiences, political ideologies, and cultural heritage.

South Korea’s education systems emphasize the development of national identity, equality, and responsibility. The South Korean education system began to develop from 1945 and faced challenges in the early stages but later developed it a modern education system with equal educational opportunities. Despite stress and competition, South Korean education aims to produce democratic, creative and integrated into the global community citizens.

North Korean identity is intertwined to state ideology, particularly the principles of Juche. Like all spheres of life, the education system is also strictly controlled by the state. North Korean education emphasizes self-reliance and loyalty to leaders. Political ideologies, the closed society play a central role in shaping collective identity. At the same time, it preserves cultural identity through strict controlled language and appearance.

The differences in educational goals and principles contribute to the divergence in beliefs and values between the two Koreas. South Korea’s emphasized democracy, innovation, and academic progress are in contrast with North Korea’s controlled education system, which is focused on loyalty to the state. These differences in education systems can have a significant impact on the Korean reunification on process, which will require overcoming political and ideological obstacles and creating a common identity.

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New discoveries regarding the activities of the Turkish National Intelligence Service

Aram S. Sayiyan

In the second half of the 1970’s, the internal political situation in the
Republic of Turkey remained tense. Larger and larger masses of the population of Turkey were joining leftist views. The situation became more complicated when the public and the political forces of the national minorities, such as ASALA or the Kurdish Workers’ Party, also joined them. The Turkish military leadership incited right-wing nationalist groups under its influence to clash with the leftist parties to create chaos in the country, and then to create a demand for a “strong hand” among the Turkish public in order to carry out a military coup and stop the influence of the socialists and the Soviet Union. Members of nationalist group «Bozkurt» Abdullah Chatli, Oral Chelik and Mehmed Ali Aghja killed several socialists in Ankara in 1978 and in the next year – socialist Abdi Ipekchi, who was the editor of “Milliyet»” newspaper and then moved to Europe. In 1981 Mehmed Ali Aghja carried out an assassination attempt othe Pope.

In 1975, ASALA, the secret army for the liberation of Armenia, was created in Lebanon. After a short time, the organization and other Armenian groups began to carry out terrorist activities in Europe and North America, mainly against the Turkish diplomats, in order to attract the attention of the Western governments and the international structures to the forgotten Armenian issue. However, when ASALA warriors captured Ankara’s Esenbogha airport and a Turkish military attaché was killed in Ottawa in August 1982, the Turkish authorities decided to resort to punitive measures. Although the Turkish National Intelligence Service wanted to carry out these operations with its regular officers, president Kenan Evren ordered them to be carried out by the nationalist groups who fled to Europe after the military coup of 1980, so that the punitive actions would be presented as the response of the Turkish community. Among the nationalist groups that fled to Europe, the most famous was the group of Abdullah Chatli and Oral Chelik, who were mainly involved in the sale of heroin. The Turkish intelligence service provided them with a list of the Armenian targets, as well as explosive materials. In addition, the NIS also attracted other terrorist groups to punitive actions against Armenians: the Kurdish El-Zein family living in Lebanon, and the Iraqi Turkmen group in Holland. From 1984 to1985 these groups carried out a number of terrorist operations against Armenians and their sturctures in different coutries of Europe by assasiatig their leaders.

In addition to terrorist activities, the Turkish authorities also used economic and political levers in the fight against the Armenians, attracting the interest of the Western powers to the Turkish market liberalized after the military coup, as well as maintaining active political contacts with them, as a result of which many Western countries recognized ASALA as a terrorist organization.

Hamlet K. Davtyan

There is a common belief that the Armenian name Davit (Դավիթ) is a slightly phonetic modification of the Jewish name David, which means beloved, lover. However, the popularity of the name both in the West and in the East is not a necessary condition for assuming that the Armenian form is also borrowed. By looking for the roots of the name, it is noticeable that the two versions of the name were common among Armenians: Davit and Tavit. Which of these is the oldest? Is it a problem of pronunciation, what does the Armenian version of the name mean – these are the questions discussed in the article.

And its Armenian translation

Gohar K. Grigoryan

Herman Melville, one of the most influential writers of the 19th century, wrote “Bartleby, the Scrivener” in 1853 for Putnam’s magazine, which is considered one of his most representative works. His iconic short story “Bartleby, the Scrivener” brings to light the notion of alienation of a man in the capitalistic society. It has been a subject of intense critical scrutiny due to its ambiguous nature and enigmatic symbols.

On the Example of Islamic Medicine and Arabic Manuscripts of the Matenadara

Venera R. Makaryan

Medieval medical handbooks are works on practical medicine with individual and general pathology used with the works on general medicine in parallel.

Prepared for publication, edited and
commented by Yervand Pamboukian, series “Vem” № 4, Yerevan,
publishing house “Lusakn”, 2022, 732 pages

Hovik B. Grigoryan

One of the founders and key figures of ARF Dashnaktsutyun, Rostom
(Stepan Zoryan) was one of the influential figures of the Armenian social and
political thought of his era, who was always in the center of events related to the
Armenian society. Therefore, putting new documents related to him into scientific
circulation goes beyond personal and party spheres, and becomes the subject of
interest of historians and political scientists.