Monthly Archives: July 2020

THE HISTORICAL-DEMOGRAPHIC IMAGE OF WESTERN ARMENIA ON THE EVE OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE – 2020-1

Part Ninth: Diyarbekir sanjak of Diyarbekır vilayet and the cantons of Mardin and Jezireh

Summary

Gegham M. Badalyan-Candidate of Historical Sciences
Diyarbekır vilayet was one of the earliest (created in 1517 AD) Ottoman administrative units and until the first half of the 19th century included both the southwestern and southern parts of historic Great Armenia (Tsopk, Aghdznik, Korduk), and the Northern Mesopotamia (Tur Abdin, Mardin, Mtsbin-Nisibin, Snjar, Khabur). One of its important features was the existence of semi-independent principalities and successor princedoms. After their elimination, from the end of the 1840s, the Sublime Porte inititated the implementation of substantial modifications to the boundaries and internal structure of the Western Armenian administrative units. As a result, new Kharberd eyalet (since 1867 – the Mamuret-ul-Aziz vilayet) was formed in once the whole western part of Diyarbekır and in 1879 the newly established Bitlis (Baghesh) vilayet was given Khulp (Koghb) and Sgherd cantons. The formation of the outer borders of Diyarbekir vilayet (the provinces of the Ottoman Empire had been renamed vilayets since 1867) was accomplished with the transfer of Arghana (Ergan)Maden sanjak from Kharberd in 1885. Prior to World War I, the internal administrative structure of the vilayet was also finalized, consisting of 4 sanjaks (Diyarbekır or Central, Arghana-Maden, Mardin, Severak) and 15 cantons (Turkish: kaza). The territory of Diyarbekir vilayet was 47.250 sq. km.

From a statistical point of view, particularly with regard to the Armenian population, in the sources Diyarbekır vilayet is presented in a rather poor and fragmentary manner, and the available data are either contradictory or simply missing. That is the reason that the researcher often encounters significant, even serious difficulties. The point is that the data of the Constantinople Patriarchate, which was obtained from the Diyarbekir Diocese, were usually based on improper records. Thus, in the known Armenian statistical bulletins of 1912-1914 the number of Armenian population in the vilayet varies between 88.000-124.000. Quite different are the data of Tovmas Mkrtichyan and Edward Noel, who are conventionally called British by us – 140.000-150.000 people.

Specifically, some adjustments and additions to more detailed E. Noel’s indices allowed one to conclude that on the eve of World War I the Armenian population of Diyarbekir vilayet reached 180.000. In addition, the majority of the Armenians was located in the cantons of Diyarbekir, Bsherik, Slivan (Silvan), Ltche (including the provincial center) located north of the Western Tigris, which were administratively included within the Central sanjak. The only exception was the Derik canton, located in the south of the Western Tigris (on the right) in the Masius or Mardin Mountains. Among the aforementioned administrative units, the neighboring Slivan and Bsherik (Rashkan), who occupied the fertile trans-Tigris and fields of Nprkert and Bsherik, were particularly notable for the abundance of Armenian population. By 1915 there were more than 130 villages and settlements populated by Armenians. This number may be even greater as the Armenian population of many cantons of Diyarbekir is characterized by high mobility and often relocated to more economically advantageous settlements. Hazro canton (Turkish: nahiye) was much populated by Armenians, which was administratively part of Slivan. Mihran (in Armenian sources: Mihranik) – the eastern part of Hazro, was a self-governing Armenian-Kurdish principality until the 40s of the 19th c. The number of Armenians was also considerable in Ltche canton and in the town of Haini located in the southern foothills of the Armenian Taurus. A large number of Armenians lived in the immediate vicinity of the city of Diyarbekir, located in the middle of the Western Tigris Basin – the oldest agricultural center in the Amid valley with its Eastern (Turkish: Diarbakır Şarkovası) and Western (Diyarbakır Garbovası) sections. Several Armenian monasteries were preserved in Diyarbekır canton, which were prominent Armenian writing centers in the Middle Ages: St. Makabayetsvots or Antakh, Surb Tovma Arakelo (St. Thomas the Apostle’s) or Aynebreghi, Surb Tovma Arakelo (St. Thomas the Apostle’s) of Tarjli, Surb Astvatsatsin (the Holy Mother of God) of Alipunar.

The most Armenian-populated cantons were Central (Mardin) and Jezireh (historic Korduk and Beth-Zabde), where they were quite populous settlements, such as the town of Mardin and the Til-Armen settlement. Among the well-known Armenian sanctuaries were St. Gevorg Main Church (5th century) in Mardin and close St. Hovhannes Mkrtich (St. John the Baptist) or Tvin Hermitage. It should be noted that the predominantly Arab-speaking or Kurdish-speaking Armenians in Mardin sanjak were followers of the Armenian Catholic Church. And the remarkable feature of a significant part of the Armenian population of Jezireh canton was the semi-nomadic lifestyle that survivors of the Genocide pereserved until the 1970s.

In 1915 Armenians of Diyarbekir and Mardin were subjected to mass destruction (barely 9% survived). Other Christians, especially the Assyrians (Jacobi, Kildani, etc.) also shared the same fate.

THE POSSIBILITY OF JUSTICE AND TRUTH IN THE POLITICAL-LEGAL SPHERES – 2020-1

Some difficulties and their solutions

Summary

Gevorg G. Hakobyan
The article discusses the possibilities of the existence of justice and truth in the political-legal sphere. These two conceptions – the justice and truth, being very important problems in philosophy, require comprehensive analysis, but the article presents a more theoretical-gnoseological approach. This approach stems from the above-mentioned goals of the article.

To answer this question, first of all, it is shown an essential aspect of the concept of politics, which is common to a number of classics. Based on classical comments, the definition of politics is formulated in such a way that reflects the relationship between politics, right and the distribution of the social good. Such a definition of politics allows discussion about the origin and development of the discourse on right and politics, which reveals the place and role of justice and truth in the political-legal sphere. When discussing the issue of demanding justice and truth, it turns out that justice is generally in demand if there is any conflict whose resolution is relevant. Thereby, it is concluded that the only possible place of justice is the political-legal sphere, and the main expression of justice reflects the political-legal discourse.

Continuing the argumentation, it becomes clear that the real facts – a true description that reflects some kind of real social situation – are necessary to construct and implement any concept of justice.

Besides the fact that it is extremely difficult to discover the only and real truth in the field of political-legal discourse, it is also very problematic itself within the frames of philosophy: firstly, the philosophical thought has historically been repeatedly stalled in the context of the problem of truth, and secondly, the absence of the adequate statement of history and the appropriate formulation of the problem of truth keeps philosophical thought in a relative impasse, and in the third, nowadays (and not only), many thinkers do not only think that the truth does not exist, but they also agree that the search for possible truth is simply useless.

Regardless of all this, from ancient times, it was stated that it is, principally, impossible to find the truth and simultaneously recognize that what was found is an authentic truth. All this implies and even compels a unique approach to the truth not only in the field of philosophy itself but also within the framework of political-legal discourse. Therefore, it is assumed that Karl Popper’s negativistic approach could be applied towards the discourse on right and politics as well, which with relative success works in a scientifical-philosophical discourse. Further, this approach is substantiated, not only referring to the difficulties that the development of political-legal discourse faces due to the essence of truth, but also to logical and historical facts, and finally the successful adoption of this approach in political-legal discourse.

THE USE OF WORD MANIPULATION IN ARTICLE 301 OF THE TURKISH PENAL CODE – 2020-1

Summary

Seda Q. Gasparyan-Doctor of Philological Sciences
The article aims at presenting the results of the main conclusions of our investigation directly connected with the “infamous” Article 301 which, in essence, is an evil for the Turkish society. According to the specialists of the International law, the given article is a serious threat meant to endanger the fundamental right of humans to Freedom of Expression.

The topic of concern is viewed from the perspective of the interconnection and intersection of linguistics and law. The author concentrates on the organization of linguistic units in the versions of 2005 and 2008 of Article 301 and provides theoretical and practical linguistic interpretation of the language data. An attempt is also made to offer an insightful account of the legal aspect of those documents. The special emphasis laid on the analysis of the manipulative strategies exerted in the document in question reveals that the basic function of law to communicate the truth and express clear-cut, accurate and understandable ideas has been violated here for they are meant to control people and manipulate their perception and interpretation through the abuse of language to achieve practical goals.

The investigation reveals that verbal manipulation preconditions the usage of ambiguous expressions and all sorts of double-speak. It implies a beginning in smaller and more discrete segments of linguistic forms that connect to larger linguistic entities. The latter undergoing some transformations turn out to be relatively unexpected by the addressee.

Manipulation is directly connected with domination, control and demagogic language, and manipulators are experts in using manipulative tools, among which of prime importance are a great command of language and the rhetoric of persuasion.

Thus, by applying the comparative-contrastive method of research the present article reveals linguistic facts, the investigation of which exposes the manipulative strategies implemented in Article 301 to the readers and unveils the dangers arising as a result of these implementations.

LEXICAL VARIANTS OF THE ARMENIAN LANGUAGE MEANING “ARMENIAN LIVING IN GEORGIA” – 2020-1

Summary

Davit S. Gyurjinyan-Candidate of Philological Sciences
To denote the concept of “an Armenian living in Georgia, an Armenian from Georgia”, lexical variants were formed in the Armenian language, whose first components are the basis of the name of the neighboring country: վրահայ (outdated word), վիրահայ, վրացահայ, as well as new and outdated names of its capital: թբիլիսահայ, թիֆլիսահայ, տփղիսահայ (rarely used) “Armenian from Tbilisi /Tiflis/ Tpghis”. All the words and their variants are formations of the 19th-20th centuries, although Armenians have been living in Georgia since ancient times.

With the help of suffixes, collective nouns were formed on the basis of the listed lexical variants: վիրահայություն “Armenians of Georgia as a community, totality of Armenians of Georgia”, թիֆլիսահայություն “Armenians from Tiflis”, etc.

Only two variants (out of six) are recorded in the dictionaries of the Armenian language: վիրահայ “an Armenian living in Georgia, an Armenian from Georgia”, which is adopted in the official Armenian language and is considered acceptable for the Armenians of Georgia (since the variant վրացահայ is often interpreted as Georgianized Armenian), and թիֆլիսահայ “Armenian from Tiflis”.

The lexical variants under study are used in different styles with the meaning of a noun and an adjective.

FREUDIAN DREAM SYMBOLS IN ZAREH VORBOUNI’S FICTION – 2020-1

Summary

Anna S. Mikoyan
French-Armenian writer Z. Vorbouni having psychological education reflected the theses of Freudism in his fiction. In his opinion, psychology is the only way to discover the truths of life. The author confessed many times that the theory of the psychologist Z. Freud had had a big effect on his creative thinking. In this article we examined the symbols of dreams, pointed out by Freud, that are reflected in Z. Vorbouni’s fiction.

The author, being a follower of Freudism and at an early stage of literary life adhering to the surrealist literary stream, which is also based on Freud’s psychoanalysis, paid much importance on dream study. He published his dreams and their interpretations. He often wrote literary works based on the plots of those dreams. Vorbouni also published the interpretations of some of his dreams. By the confession of the writer, he saw the difficult solutions of his novels in a dream and wrote down. In general, while writing he closed his eyes and “dreamed” the adventures of his characters.

That is the reason why in Vorbouni’s fiction are found almost all the symbols highlighted by Freud. Those symbols have sexual character. Vorbouni often mentioned that the issue of gender and sexuality is essential in his fiction. Mainly the symbols of female sexuality dominate, as women have a dominant position in Vorbouni’s fiction. The following female symbols are displayed: from geographical-spatial units there are street, field, meadow, sea, garden, from buildings there are church, bell tower, ship, tunnel, room, from animals there are helix, crayfish, silkworm, turtle, from concave objects there are costrel, bottle, from clothes there is lingerie. The flower and some fruits symbolize woman’s genitals. There is also a line of activities associated with sexual activities, such as playing, dancing and so on.

THE GREAT THEORIST OF NATIONALISM AND INTERNATIONALISM – 2020-1

To the 150th birthday anniversary of Mikael Varandyan

Summary

Seyran A. Zakaryan-Doctor of Philosophical Sciences
The prominent Armenian historian, political scientist of the 20th century, AR Federation (Dashnaktsutsyun) theorist-ideologist Michael Varandyan (1870-1934) considers issues of the Armenian identity both within the context of historical and cultural developments, current political events, as well as in the context of historical philosophy, social anthropology and historical psychology. Such an approach allowed him to view the three key questions about national identity in the context of pastpresent-future, and more precisely, make the past and the future more meaningful based on contemporary requirements. The questions in discussion are: Were we in the past? What are we in the present? And what will we be in the future? Varandyan is prone to the approach, according to which identity is not a set of perpetual and pre-created characteristics but a summary of continuously created, shaped and transformed identifications. Unlike the Christian paradigm of the Armenian identity, where the Church, the faith and the religion played the main role, Varandyan, following the Armenian enlighteners of the second half of the 19th century, favors the secular paradigm of identity, where the nation, the homeland and the secular values are of main importance (democracy, science, secular education, freedom of conscience, etc.).

First of all, Varandyan’s negative attitude is conditioned by his radical secular views (according to him, religion has “sanctified the slavery of the mind and heart” at all times and in all places, and the “clerical class” has in its turn exploited the human soul), dominated by the cult of science and practice and the criticism of religion. Secondly, he negatively assesses the role of the Christian religion, the church and the clergy in national life.

According to Varandyan, the Armenian existence is paradoxical/contradictory because on one side the Armenian nation is a pioneer of progress, who carries and spreads the European culture and values, and on the other side it is careless and indefinite to its physical and spiritual existence and its forms. It strives for freedom and sovereignty on one side and on the other side it is disunited and passive when it comes to the national liberation fight. On the one hand, it advocates the preservation of national values, and on the other hand, it is absorbed by internationalist (transnational) ideas and is subject to assimilation and so on. Varandyan sees the solution of these contradictions in “spiritual revolution” which will change the forms of attitude towards the national existence and its values and will purify the identity defects. The “hero” of that revolution must be a true patriot, who is a carrier of both national and universal principles, is armed with national values and is ready to fight for his and other nations’ freedom and sovereignty.

THE COMMONALITIES OF SYMBOLS ON THE STAMP OF SUPPILULIUMA I – 2020-1

And the Armenian celestial symbols

Summary

Sargis G. Petrosyan-Doctor of Historical Sciences
The winged Sun – the symbol of the Hittite Sun god, was present on the stamps of several Hittite kings. The prototype of this symbol is found on the rockcarvings in Armenia, and in Urartu this symbol was used both as that of the Sun god and sometimes as the symbol of Haldi. One of the gods of the Hittite pantheon was called “rising from the sea”, “Sun god of Water” and was described “with fish on his head”. The city of Tushpa (Van), on the eastern shore of Lake Van, was a well-known centre of the Sun worship. The River Berkri, which is rich in fish, flows into Lake Van in its north-east. Here were the fishery trades of the ancient Armenian kings. It is in this region where the Urartian king Menua erected a stele which according to its script, was dedicated to the Sun god.

The stamp of Suppiluliuma I differs from those of other Hittite kings with the contour image of the constellation of Orion printed on it. It is also found in the Armenian cave drawings, on the ceramic products of the Bronze Age, in the Urartian hieroglyphic scripts, even in the Medieval Armenian manuscripts (in the list of “The Letters of the Sages”). As a written sign, in ancient times it was considered the symbolic sign of Hayk, the main god of the ancestors of Armenians. It is known that ancient Armenians called the constellation of Orion-Hayk(-n).

On the stamp of Suppiluliuma I there was also a written sign which in the Hittite hieroglyphic writing meant “deity”. In Armenia, the same signs are found on one Bronze Age ceramic vessel (18th-16th cc. B.C.) and on one bronze jug (8th6th cc. B.C.) from Lake Sevan basin. In the Armenian Highland this sign was attributed to the Sky god (most probably to the same Hayk). It was a picture of an ellipsoidal eye, i.e. the same image which was attributed to the sky by our ancestors. In the mythological images of the Indo-Europeans/Indo-European peoples, the concepts “eye” and “sky” are comparable in the same way as the conceptions “eye’s light” and “light” or “tear” and “rain”.

The appearance of symbols like the winged disk of Sun, the constellation Orion and the Sky in the form of eyes on the stamp of Suppiluliuma I and on materials related to the cult of Hayk – the mythical progenitor of Armenians, is not the result of an accidental coincidence. Most likely, we are dealing with the IndoEuropean heritage.

In case of Armenian material, one must keep in mind that the archetypes of these symbols are already present in the oldest rock paintings of the Armenian mountains. In case of the stamp of Suppiluliuma I, it should be borne in mind, that the symbol of the constellation Orion has been added to the symbols of the wingy solar disk and the celestial eye known to the Hittites long ago.

The need for a parallel research of these symbols in the paper is dictated by the logic of the hole Hittite and Armenian adduced and discussed material.

THE ANTAGONISM OF THE ECONOMIC MAN AND THE POLITICAL MAN -2020-1

As the main contradiction of the era

Summary

Alexander S. Manasyan-Doctor of Philosophical Sciences
The article discusses the issues of transformation of the social power of an economic man into political power. On this basis, two historical phases of such a transformation are distinguished. The first historical phase is characterized by a direct transformation of the social power of an economic man into a political one, which was characteristic of a slave-owning society and feudalism. In the second phase that began with the era of bourgeois revolutions, the social power of an economic man within the framework of the Western model of the economic system could be transformed into political power indirectly through the parliamentary system. The economic man was in the minority in the total mass of the electorate and naturally feared that the formula “One voter – one vote” might leave him in the minority in parliament. Disputes were fierce in England in the 17th century over issues of universal suffrage between the Independents and the Levellers. Fears were not removed after the parade of bourgeois revolutions in Europe. Technologies were required to overcome the obstacle presented to an economic man by parliamentary democracy. The task became more complicated especially after in the middle of the 19th century political parties appeared on the political arena of Europe – new subjects of power. Over the course of the next century, an economic person solved the problem of legitimizing the seizure of power with various technologies. Now he owns a monopoly in both the economic and political spheres. In the eastern model in the economic system, this monopoly is owned by a political man. Both in the first and in the second model, the source of social evils is the monopoly possession of all power pockets. It is obvious that the true nature of the processes of transformation taking place in the Republic of Armenia cannot be adequately understood outside the context of the analysis of the main contradiction of the era – the contradiction of an economic man and a political man. Otherwise, they will be interpreted and presented as conflicts of individuals, clans and parties without ideology. The article substantiates the idea of dividing the power package between an economic person and a political person, describes a model for such a separation.

 

WORLD CRISIS AND WE – 2020-2

Summary

Gevorg S. Khoudinyan-Doctor of Sciences in History
In our opinion, Covid-19 is actually not a cause, but a consequence of the current global crisis. The crisis is deeper and multilayered, and the pandemic only reveals the deep layers of the real problems that human civilization is facing with. On the synchronous plane, they shine through the impasse of the existing social system, and on the diachronic plane – the fact of a civilization crisis.

The dead end of the existing social system is a deep crisis of capitalism in the postindustrial era, which has obviously bent under the weight of economic and political problems that have accumulated over the past decades, and which have reached a critical point in a pandemic.

On the basis of the civilizational crisis beginning in parallel with this is the apparent discrepancy between the planetary challenges of individual attempts by the superpowers to become distinct civilizations, which leads to the formation of global regions, that is, the universalization of globalization.

The pandemic that marked the beginning of the current crisis is the first intermediate point of the deep changes awaiting us, but not its culmination. Obviously, the next point will be the financial and economic crisis, more severe than in 1929, in parallel with which wars will also rage.

In the new competitive environment, which is emerging as a result of the spread of the pandemic, quality finally and irrevocably wins the number, causing a three-level stratification of states with different political aspirations; on its first scale are the AngloSaxon countries and China, accusing each other of the spread of the deadly virus, and continental Europe, which still retains its traditional Atlantic preference. On the second scale are the states with a resource economy, the welfare of which is built on the almost inexhaustible reserves of energy and industrial and agricultural raw materials. But on the third scale are small countries, like ours, trying to turn from simple tools into factors of politics, or at least “to eke out an existence”.

The indisputable unity of world civilization at the present stage of its forward and backward movements on the limited territory of planet Earth has led to the formation of enormous imbalances, which externally are divided into several large groups: financial, economic, environmental, demographic, etc., but all of them are the result of deep contradictions that arose as a result of the loss of balance of material and spiritual worlds and harmony between a rational person and a child of nature. An uncontrolled accumulation of such threats would sooner or later lead the globalizing world to the idea of a global revolution, which can only be realized as a new turn back, to the cradle of humanity, with the help of a return to the Promised Land.

Recognized in the world history of the fall and splitting of civilizations, their accompanying crises and epidemics and other misfortunes of mankind, were decisive conditions for the success of the Turkish tribe, therefore when an overly materialized humanity shows a desire to return to its spiritual fundamental principle – the Promised Land, in Turkey they realize that they will gradually be squeezed out of the cradle of world civilization. For this reason, the Promised Land necessary to overcome the global crisis, which, through its history, culture and way of life, should become a valuable prototype of humanity striving for harmony, faced real threats emanating from becoming more and more aggressive Turkey every day.

Although Russia is the richest country in the world with raw materials, the unbroken burden of Soviet totalitarianism brought it to civilizational agony, which at any moment can turn into a repeat of 1917. An inevitably deepening crisis in Russia leads to an understanding of its civilizational image, but a pandemic, accelerating this process, will at the same time serve to resolve it peacefully. All this shows that soon we will be left alone in the face of serious external dangers, so it is time to look at the events in our country through other points.

After the revolutionary upheavals in Armenia in the spring of 2018, its political field from a limited subject gradually turned into an almost integral object of an irreconcilable confrontation of external forces. Given the existence of such a confrontation, it is quite natural that the pandemic that kills the lives of Armenians is also turning into an instrument of internal political struggle. As a result, the remnants of the former empire disseminate among the ignorant people the hypothesis of the falsity of Covid-19, sentencing them to certain death. But the populist authorities see the geometric progression of the pandemic as an opportunity to distance the moment when it will be necessary to answer for failures. As a result of the aggravation of the confrontation of external forces within Armenia, our country registers records in the field of the spread of the pandemic, because not one of the external forces is interested in the life and health of the inhabitants of Armenia.

The weakening of the Armenian segment of the political field of Armenia reached the dangerous point when the modern perception of “we” and our identity, has almost completely disappeared. During each world shocking historical turning point, the Armenian people survived due to their integrity – a clear awareness of “we”. In the Middle Ages, it was a spiritual home – the Armenian Apostolic Church, leading us to Avarayr. In modern times, it is imperative to have a “piece of land”, that is, a nation-state leading us to Sardarapat. And today, we urgently feel the need for those who transform the process of turning the cradle of world civilization into a civilized territory into a formula for the expansion of Armenia. Since the matter of overcoming the threats emanating from Turkey – the sworn enemy of civilization, first of all, requires harmonization of the universal ideal and national goals.