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WORLD CRISIS AND WE – 2020-2

Summary

Gevorg S. Khoudinyan-Doctor of Sciences in History
In our opinion, Covid-19 is actually not a cause, but a consequence of the current global crisis. The crisis is deeper and multilayered, and the pandemic only reveals the deep layers of the real problems that human civilization is facing with. On the synchronous plane, they shine through the impasse of the existing social system, and on the diachronic plane – the fact of a civilization crisis.

The dead end of the existing social system is a deep crisis of capitalism in the postindustrial era, which has obviously bent under the weight of economic and political problems that have accumulated over the past decades, and which have reached a critical point in a pandemic.

On the basis of the civilizational crisis beginning in parallel with this is the apparent discrepancy between the planetary challenges of individual attempts by the superpowers to become distinct civilizations, which leads to the formation of global regions, that is, the universalization of globalization.

The pandemic that marked the beginning of the current crisis is the first intermediate point of the deep changes awaiting us, but not its culmination. Obviously, the next point will be the financial and economic crisis, more severe than in 1929, in parallel with which wars will also rage.

In the new competitive environment, which is emerging as a result of the spread of the pandemic, quality finally and irrevocably wins the number, causing a three-level stratification of states with different political aspirations; on its first scale are the AngloSaxon countries and China, accusing each other of the spread of the deadly virus, and continental Europe, which still retains its traditional Atlantic preference. On the second scale are the states with a resource economy, the welfare of which is built on the almost inexhaustible reserves of energy and industrial and agricultural raw materials. But on the third scale are small countries, like ours, trying to turn from simple tools into factors of politics, or at least “to eke out an existence”.

The indisputable unity of world civilization at the present stage of its forward and backward movements on the limited territory of planet Earth has led to the formation of enormous imbalances, which externally are divided into several large groups: financial, economic, environmental, demographic, etc., but all of them are the result of deep contradictions that arose as a result of the loss of balance of material and spiritual worlds and harmony between a rational person and a child of nature. An uncontrolled accumulation of such threats would sooner or later lead the globalizing world to the idea of a global revolution, which can only be realized as a new turn back, to the cradle of humanity, with the help of a return to the Promised Land.

Recognized in the world history of the fall and splitting of civilizations, their accompanying crises and epidemics and other misfortunes of mankind, were decisive conditions for the success of the Turkish tribe, therefore when an overly materialized humanity shows a desire to return to its spiritual fundamental principle – the Promised Land, in Turkey they realize that they will gradually be squeezed out of the cradle of world civilization. For this reason, the Promised Land necessary to overcome the global crisis, which, through its history, culture and way of life, should become a valuable prototype of humanity striving for harmony, faced real threats emanating from becoming more and more aggressive Turkey every day.

Although Russia is the richest country in the world with raw materials, the unbroken burden of Soviet totalitarianism brought it to civilizational agony, which at any moment can turn into a repeat of 1917. An inevitably deepening crisis in Russia leads to an understanding of its civilizational image, but a pandemic, accelerating this process, will at the same time serve to resolve it peacefully. All this shows that soon we will be left alone in the face of serious external dangers, so it is time to look at the events in our country through other points.

After the revolutionary upheavals in Armenia in the spring of 2018, its political field from a limited subject gradually turned into an almost integral object of an irreconcilable confrontation of external forces. Given the existence of such a confrontation, it is quite natural that the pandemic that kills the lives of Armenians is also turning into an instrument of internal political struggle. As a result, the remnants of the former empire disseminate among the ignorant people the hypothesis of the falsity of Covid-19, sentencing them to certain death. But the populist authorities see the geometric progression of the pandemic as an opportunity to distance the moment when it will be necessary to answer for failures. As a result of the aggravation of the confrontation of external forces within Armenia, our country registers records in the field of the spread of the pandemic, because not one of the external forces is interested in the life and health of the inhabitants of Armenia.

The weakening of the Armenian segment of the political field of Armenia reached the dangerous point when the modern perception of “we” and our identity, has almost completely disappeared. During each world shocking historical turning point, the Armenian people survived due to their integrity – a clear awareness of “we”. In the Middle Ages, it was a spiritual home – the Armenian Apostolic Church, leading us to Avarayr. In modern times, it is imperative to have a “piece of land”, that is, a nation-state leading us to Sardarapat. And today, we urgently feel the need for those who transform the process of turning the cradle of world civilization into a civilized territory into a formula for the expansion of Armenia. Since the matter of overcoming the threats emanating from Turkey – the sworn enemy of civilization, first of all, requires harmonization of the universal ideal and national goals.

THE UNPUBLISHED MEMORIES OF TOVMAS NAZARBEKYAN – 2020-2

Military operation on thy Caucasus Front from July 1914 to April 26, 1916. Copy-book 7 and 8: from January 1 to February 3, 1916.

Summary

Ruben O. Sahakyan
The 7th and 8th notebooks of Th. Nazarbekyan’s memoirs present the military operations that took place from January 1916 to February 3, which brought a radical breakthrough in the battles on the Caucasus front. Notwithstanding the unbearable weather conditions, the Caucasus Army took decisive actions aiming to capture Erzrum in the first place. The servicemen had to overcome enormous difficulties, about which Th. Nazarbekyan constantly informed the command.

But when, on the eve of Khnus’ operation, he considered it his duty to report to General Vl. De Witt – the Commander of the 4th Caucasian Army Corps, by the order of the latter, Th. Nazarbekyan was temporarily deprived of the opportunity to lead his attacking division because of his “audacity”. Only some time later, after a large number of victims who died due to frostbite or lost limbs, the command realized what complications and barriers were mentioned in Th. Nazarbekyan’s report.

In the unbearable winter conditions, not having enough food, but not paying attention to the difficulties encountered, on January 13, 1916, the Cossacks, the shooters supporting them and the Armenian 2nd Squad led by Dro captured Khnus, which saved more than 1.000 Armenian women and children.

At the end of 1915 and the beginning of 1916, the desire to dissolve the Armenian volunteer groups was already maturing among the Caucasian authorities. That is why various absurd, sometimes provocative rumors were spread about Armenian volunteers. The Labinskian Cossack Regiment, under the command of Noskov – the not-so-unknown Colonel of the General Staff, had entered Khnus, sending a false report from Mush valley to Th. Nazarbekyan in July 1915, claiming that he was being attacked by 12 Turkish battalions, thus contributing to the sudden retreat of Russian troops.

And after the capture of Khnus, the Cossacks of Noskov once again spread false rumors that Armenian volunteers had committed violence against local Kurds and Turkish casualties. Being in Khnus, Th. Nazarbekyan visited the wounded and sick Turks in the hospital and talked to one of them. According to the latter, the murders were committed by the Cossacks themselves.

In order to prevent the Armenian volunteers from being unjustly accused of organizing a massacre again, Th. Nazarbekyan ordered not to allow them to enter Mush first. However, Colonel Noskov, who sent him a telegram on February 3, 1916, about the capture of Mush, did not comply with that order. It turned out that if Taron’s Armenians had been annihilated by the hands of Turks and Kurds by organizing the July 1915 retreat, and now, in January-February 1916, by killing the Turks and Kurds with their own hands, the same Armenians would be held responsible.

Yeremia Tevkants (Ter-Sargsyants), Family Chronicle, book 8 (1868-1872), With the diligence of H. Gh. Muradyan, NAS RA Institute of History, Yerevan, 2018, 440 p. – 2020-2

Summary

Karolina M. Sahakyan
In the given review we refer to the eighth volume of the “Family Chronicle” by Yeremia Tevkants (Ter-Sargsyants), published by the Institute of History of the NAS RA in 2018, with the elaboration of senior researcher Hakob Muradyan. This is one of the best examples of the genre of memoirs and includes the 1868-1872 history of a long period of Armenian history, written by one of the most literate and knowledgeable theologians of the time, who was the witness and participant of the events and happenings described.

This work consists of an introduction, 71 chapters, a vocabulary and an index of personal names and toponyms. In each of the chapters, the author discusses his travels and activities, providing exclusive information about the places he visited, the people he met and the people he worked with.

The exact chronology of the events is preserved in the work, as well as the sources used, in which correspondence, such as letters, telegrams, etc., is of particular value.

The most valuable part of the reviewed work, perhaps, can be considered the “Bulletin of Provincial Oppressions”, which was prepared by the “Commission of Inquiry into the Oppressions of Armenia” in 1892 and submitted to the Sublime Porte. It was the first time that the National Assembly of Constantinople exercised its constitutional right to formally apply to the government to end the illegalities and atrocities committed in Western Armenia. This document, prepared on the factual basis of numerous petitions received from the cantons by the Patriarchate for about 20 years, formulated the issue of the Western Armenians, which became the Armenian Question and after the 1877-1878 Russian-Turkish war, it entered the phase of internationalization, becoming the subject of diplomatic relations and discussions.

“Family Chronicle” by Yeremia Tevkants put into scientific circulation by the efforts of Hakob Muradyan, besides being of great historical value is also an important source of demographics, ethnography, everyday life, religious, intrachurch and inter-church relations, as well as from the perspective of the study of the history of separate dioceses.

ON THE ISSUE OF THE IDENTITY OF IRAN’S AZERIS – 2020-2

Summary

Sargis M. Mkrtchian
At the end of the 20th century, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the selfdetermination of its separate republics also brought to the fore in Iran the issues of identity, which had certain manifestations especially in the Azeri-populated regions of Iran.

Organizations and figures appeared in the public, presenting various demands, from the teaching of the mother tongue in secondary schools and educational and cultural freedoms to the idea of separating Atrpatakan from Iran and joining “Northern Azerbaijan” or the Republic of Azerbaijan.

What is identity? What are the elements of identity? Is the identity of the Azeris of Iran different from the identity of the Iranian people? What do we understand under Iranian identity? What are the Azeris of Iran like and how are they different from the rest of the Iranian people? Recording that elements of national identity are considered to be a united history, united religion, united homeland, united culture, united economy, united language, common feelings, united state and political heritage, collective consciousness, sense of belonging, we conclude that the Azeris are an Iranian ethnic group whose identity cannot be separated from the common Iranian identity. Speaking Turkish of Atrpatakan, which belongs to the Turkish language family, imposed on them as a result of the invasion and coercion of the Mongol-Turkic tribes, is not enough to prove that they are a foreign nation. Since the Azeris of Iran bear all the elements of Iranian identity – geographical borders, history, religion and confession (Shiite religion of Islam), their constant presence in the state-political system of Iran, their integration into the Iranian economic system, bearing the cultural heritage, etc., all are evidence of that the Azeris have Iranian roots and are Iranians.

TURKEY’S BLOODY HAND IN KARABAKH – 2020-2

On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of massacres in Shushi

Summary

Armen Ts. Marukyan-Doctor of Sciences in History
After the perpetration of the massacres of the Armenians of Baku in September 1918, with the assistance of the Turkish army, the authorities of the artificially created state of Azerbaijan tried to extend this criminal policy to the Armenian population of Karabakh. The newly emerged military-political situation in Transcaucasia at the end of World War I gave rise to the hope of the authorities of Azerbaijan that with the active support of the Turks and the tacit consent of the command of the British forces it would be possible to subjugate the Armenian population of Karabakh. Karabakh was strategically important both for the Caucasian Tatars and for the Turks, since in the event of the occupation of the region, as well as of Zangezur and Nakhijevan, firstly, a land connection between Azerbaijan and Turkey would be established, and secondly, the foundations of the so-called Great Azerbaijan would be laid, which was considered one of the important stages in the creation of the imaginary pan-Turkic state of Great Turan.

On the basis of a comparative analysis of the forms and methods of planning and organizing mass killings, as well as the disorganization of the possible opposition of the groups that were the victims of these crimes, this publication thoroughly explores the Turkish trace in the genocidal actions carried out by the Azerbaijani authorities against the Armenian population of Karabakh in 19191920. In this sense, it is very important to disclose the direct participation of Turkish military figures who instructed the Caucasian Tatars and Kurds in the perpetration of massacres of the Armenian population of Karabakh in 1919-1920.

Summarizing, it can be stated that the repeated pogroms of the Armenians of Shushi in June 1919 and March 1920 were not separate crimes against the Armenian population of Karabakh, but together with the mass atrocities of the Armenians of Baku in 1918 were one of the stages of the criminal policy of the Armenian Genocide, which was planned and carried out sequentially by the Young Turks. The pogroms of Armenians of Shushi were carried out by units of the Azerbaijani army and Kurdish gangs under the leadership of high-ranking officers of the Turkish army and the Azerbaijani Governor-General Kh. Sultanov collaborating with them.

THE FOUNDATION OF DPREVANK OF THE CATHOLICOSATE OF THE GREAT HOUSE OF CILICIA – 2020-2

And its role in the educational life of Armenian communities of Syria-Lebanon

Summary

Edgar G. Hovhannisyan-Candidate of Sciences in History
After leaving Cilicia, in 1930 the Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia was established in Antelias, Lebanon, which further gradually transformed not only as of the seat of the Catholicosate of Cilicia but also to the important spiritual center for the Armenian Diaspora. It is well-known that the formerly located orphanages under the auspices of the American Committee for Relief in the Near East were located in those buildings in Antelias. Following the demolition of those orphanages, the Near East Relief decides that these constructions are handed over for free to the Catholicosate of Cilicia, with an American $1 symbolic lease. The Catholicosate of Cilicia should use the estate as a school for the preparation of clergy and teachers. The newly opened Drepevank of Antelias would be a unique educational institution in the Armenian Diaspora. The role of school and education is crucial for the preservation of the Armenian identity in Diaspora.

The opening of Dprevank took place on October 12, 1930. As a result of important efforts, Dprevank has become one of the pivotal Diaspora educational institutions, which, in its turn, contributed to the strengthening and raising the role of the Catholicosate. In the course of time, Dprevank acquires Pan-Diaspora character.

WEDDING CEREMONIAL CYCLES OF DEDICATION INTO GROOM AND BRIDE – 2020-2

On the materials of the collections by Komitas and Mihran Toumajan

Summary

Hripsime V. Pikichyan-Candidate of Sciences in History
The article discusses the ceremonies described and notated in the collections of Komitas and Mihran Toumajan, Komitas’s adherent. Songs and dances, performed at the ceremony of decorating of the groom (the so-called Takvoragovk, Թագվորագովք, praising of the king), and the bride (the so-called Tsakhkots, Ծաղկոց) that includes bathing, henna ceremony, dressing, headdress, greeting, visiting the shrine, dowry praising and introducing the bride into the community, and subsequent farewell to the parental home and crossing the threshold. They are combined with musical, poetic and dance texts that are indispensable components of the wedding ceremony. It is to be singled out that like other rites passages, these ritual sequences begin with ritual purification. They end with the introducing the newlyweds to the higher cosmic forces/to the Most High and to the community.

The ritual events associated with the transformation of the groom and the bride are repeated and affirmed at the three main levels of the wedding ceremony with certain modifications. The first represents the introduction of the newlyweds to the community after the decorating, praising and greeting in order to gain the community’s blessing. The second is the church wedding ceremony while symbolizing the introduction of the king and the queen to the Creator, to receipt His blessing. The third takes place at dawn, when the newlyweds appear before the rising Sun to receipt its blessing.

At the semantic, symbolic, musical and poetic levels of the Tagvoragovk – the king – the first man – the cosmic tree – the cosmogonic order is emphasized. Meanwhile, in the ceremony of Tsakhkots such interpretation is not as definite. Accordingly, the ceremony of initiation of the groom-king involves the largest number of participants: all family members, male and female relatives, and proxi could participate at various ceremonies. As for the ceremonies associated with the bride, they were more limited; heterogeneity and a large number of participants are unusual for them (the participants are the godfather’s wife, the governess, the priest’s wife, and the female friends). The participation of men was prohibited, with the exception of the henna ceremony.

The cosmogonic roots of the rituals symbolizing the transfiguration of the bride and the groom mark various allegories and concepts found in their musical and poetic texts, associated with the interrelations between the cosmic models and elements (the sun and the moon and the stars, the day and the night, floral and fruit symbols/codes). This is also true regarding the distinctive topics of those ceremonies, as well as the characteristic question and answer structure resembling that of riddles (songs performed during shaving, dressing, the erection of the wedding tree, as well as describing the participants of the ceremony) and the performance style (a group-soloist dialogue). In the praising of the groom recorded by both Komitas and Toumajan, the influence of certain formal structures characteristic of epic and sacred songs is noticeable. This influence is available in “man – professional musical culture” interconnection, along with “woman – folk song – nature” associations which correlates with the existing in traditional culture ideas about the functions and roles of men and women.

One of the components of the traditional wedding in different provinces of historical Armenia was the visiting ancestor’s graves by the groom-king, the groomsmen, the godfather, the priest, and the musicians. In this way, the worship ancestors (existing in the traditional Armenian culture) was reaffirmed along with the idea of patrilineal continuity of the household. Meanwhile, the visit of the bride-queen and her female friends to the nearest sanctuary must be regarded within the context of the traditional approach to a woman’s role and her responsibility in maintaining the Christian life in the new family.

It may be stated that the rituals of the transfiguration of the groom-king and the bride-queen recorded by Komitas and Toumajan are very valuable not only in the terms of documenting and analyzing of the Armenian musical heritage, but also as a model, which demonstrates the function and the role of a man and a woman in traditional culture and in the mythological perception of the creation of the world.

THE ARMENIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF THE CHURCH OF HOLY SEPULCHRE IN JERUSALEM – 2020-2

Part 1. The Chapel of John the Evangelist and Its Inscriptions

Summary

Michael E. Stone (Jerusalem)-Member of Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities
Khachik A. Harutyunyan-Candidate of Sciences in Philology
Over the centuries the Holy Sepulchre has been and continues to be one of the main sanctuaries of the Christian world up to our days. Armenians and other Christian peoples have visited this Basilica, renewed their vow with God, obtained new holy places, extended or lost them, celebrated holy masses there, and copied manuscripts. Indeed, in the colophons of some Armenian manuscripts it is possible to see the Holy Sepulchre as a place of copying. With the hope of leaving their names in the book of life and being mentioned in future (this phenomenon is wellknown and widespread in the colophons of the Armenian manuscripts) the Armenian pilgrims have engraved numerous graffiti in the different sites in the complex forming the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

In this series of articles, we present the Armenian inscriptions of the Holy Sepulchre. In the first part we present one of the Armenian sites of the Holy Sepulchre – the Chapel of John the Evangelist and its inscriptions. The chapel is located in the eastern part of the courtyard of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Rev. John Hannah (Hovhannes Hanna), a well-known scholar of Jerusalem’s history, writes that the chapel was built in the same place where, according to legend, John the Evangelist and the Mother of God stood during the crucifixion of Christ (John 26:26-27). There is no information about the date of construction of the chapel, but it was probably built before the 6th CE century, as it is mentioned in the famous “List” of Anastas Vardapet, who presumably visited the Holy places in the middle of the 6th century.

In total, we have managed to find 8 inscriptions there, 5 of which are in the Chapel, and the other 3 are graffiti incised at the entrance of the Chapel.

THE HISTORICAL-DEMOGRAPHIC IMAGE OF WESTERN ARMENIA ON THE EVE OF THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE – 2020-2

Part Tenth: Diyarbekir city and Derik, Savur, Palu and Maden cantons

Summary

Gegham M. Badalyan-Candidate of Sciences in History
The article is dedicated to the study of the pre-genocide demographic situation in the namesake provincial capital of Diyarbekir vilayet, as well as in the cantons of Derik (Diyarbekir sanjak), Savur (Mardin sanjak), Palu and Maden (Arghana-Maden sanjak).

Diyarbekir city – the center of the vilayet, was one of the oldest settlements in Armenia, which is still evidenced in the cuneiform inscriptions of the 2nd millennium B.C. as Amedu or Amedi (in Armenian medieval sources: Amid, Amit or Amdatsuots kaghak (city of the residents of Amid)). The city was located in the center of the Diyarbekir plain at the northern foot of the Karajadagh (historical Ashimun) volcanic massif, on the western bank of the Western Tigris, bordered by a meander or “bow” (Arabic: kâfs). Diyarbekir was one of the most populous and Armenian-populated cities in Western Armenia, where the continuous dominance of the Armenian population is noticeable beginning from the 70s and 80s of the 19th century. On the eve of World War I, the number of Armenians in the city’s 55.000strong multinational population was 26.000-27.500, or 47-50% (according to the comparison of the statistical data by French preacher J. Retoré, Deputy Consul of the Great Britain T. Mkrtichian and Major E. Noel). In this respect, Diyarbekir was second only to the city of Van (about 30.000 people or 66% of the population).

The Armenian population was mainly concentrated in the districts covering the northeastern and southern parts of Diyarbekir, which were formed in the vicinities of the churches of St. Kirakos and St. Sargis. Meanwhile, other Christians in the city (Jacobi and Catholic Assyrians, Kildanis, Greeks – Orthodox and Catholic-Uniates or Melchites) together with Armenians made up 55-60% of the population prior to the genocide. There was also a small Jewish community in the city – about 100 families. The Muslim population making the minority in Diyarbekir was predominantly Turkish, with a large share of Christians converted to Islam in its time (Armenians, Assyrians, Greeks), and significantly Turkified Dimili (Zazans) and Kurds. Moreover, many mosques in Diyarbekir were once Armenian sanctuaries, which were occupied at the very beginning of the establishment of Ottoman rule: St. Astvatsatsin of 60 altars (it was the main mosque of Diyarbekir in the early 20th century called Ulujami), the former Armenian Cathedral of St. Theodoros or St. Toros (the Turks renamed it Jurshunlu Jami), the Holy Trinity, St. Hovhannes (John). Of the ancient structures, the 72-tower wall surrounding Amid-Diyarbekir, which still stands today, was famous. From the Middle Ages, the four main gates (“doors”) symbolizing the Evangelists have been preserved: Armenian or Erzrum (northern, Turkish: Dağkapısı), Mardin (southern), Horomots or Horom door (western, Turkish: Rumkapısı) and New (eastern, Turkish: Yenikapısı or Şatkapısı, meaning “Door of Tigris”). Among the prominent medieval structures were the ancient citadel named Aver Berd (Fortress) (Turkish: Virankalesi), the Roman-era aqueduct-bridge that brought water from Hamrvat (Hamrvar) pouring spring flowing from the northern slopes of Karajadagh to the town, sanctified Chift-Ilija pool full of fish.

To the south of the Western Tigris were the cantons of Derik and Savur, where Armenians (mostly Catholics), as a rule, lived in administrative centers and in a few villages on the eve of the genocide. This was the result of the Ottoman yoke, as in the mentioned cantons during the 18th-19th centuries forced religious conversion had taken place. The latter had particularly catastrophic consequences in Savur, where over time the local semi-independent Armenian principality had disappeared.

The canton of Palu, among semi-independent principalities of the 40s of the 16th-19th (Turkish: hükümet), was one of the most Armenian-populated administrative units in Diyarbekir vilayet. One of the essential features of Palu principality was the existence of Armenian melikdoms. Although they were subject to the amira-rulers of Armenian descent from Palu, they enjoyed considerable independence in internal affairs. The melikdoms of Havav, Sarutchan or Okhu, Ashmushat (the region of Arshamashat – the ancient capital of Tsopk), Khamishli (Ghamishluk, Yeghegnut), Paghin were known. In particular, the canton of Ashmushat, on the left bank of the Aratsani, stood out, which was, in fact, a unique federation of separate melik families settled in several settlements. There is also information about the meliks of Khamishli (Ghamishluk) settlement of Javgan canton. Some facts enable us to speak about military cooperations between separate melikdoms and the Dmlik tribes of Dersim. However, the constant fighting against the Muslim (Kurdish and Dmlik or Zaza) feudals, as well as the penetration of new foreign tribes and the intensifying pressure, destroyed once the former power of the meliks of Palu. As a result, mass emigration began from Palu city and villages, which forced large numbers of Armenian families to flee to various places, including Cilicia and even Constantinople.

Moreover, emigration continued throughout the 19th century, with a strong negative impact on the canton’s ethnic-tribal image. Instead of the departed Armenians, a large number of Muslims (mostly Dmliks, also Kurds and Turks) migrated from Kharberd, Tchapaghjur and other cantons to the territory of Palu. The widespread Muslimization of Armenians who had converted to Greek confession (Chalcedonianism) still in the Middle Ages reached catastrophic sizes. The apostates in Palu were also known as “keskes” (meaning “half-half” in Armenian). As a result of all this, if at the beginning of the 19th century in Palu canton (including the city- fortress) approximately 60.000-70.000 Armenians and 30.000 “Kurds” lived, then almost a century later the ratio had already changed to the detriment of Armenians, respectively 22.000-24.000 and 60.000-65.000. At the same time, pursuing a traditional policy of separating the Armenian-populated cantons, the Ottoman authorities transferred Balu canton of Arghana-Maden sanjak from Kharberd vilayet or Mamuret-ul-Aziz to Diyarbekir vilayet, which remained there until the end of World War I.

It is noteworthy, however, that the inner canton-nahiyes formed in the Middle Ages were preserved in the territory of the canton: Ashmushat (<Arshamashat), Bulanukh (Upper and Lower), Gyokdere, Karabekyan (Kharabegyan), Karachor yllaretil ,ﻣﺰﺭﻋﺎﺓ – taâ’rzâM :.barA< ,turzaM( tavrzaM ro lartneC ,)rohcarahK( “mezrehes”) with Javgan, Houn (Sarachor), Voshin (Oshin or Veshin), Sivan (<Sevan), Okhu or Yegh (Hizol). Nevertheless, on the eve of the Armenian Genocide, Palu canton was one of the most Armenian-populated administrative units in Diyarbekir vilayet, where according to the British data, before the genocide, the number of the Armenian population, including the city, was about 26.000. Until the 70s of the 19th century, the number of churches in Palu city had four Armenian districts: Yerevan (St. Gregory the Illuminator Church, Katoghike or Mother Church), Toner (St. Astvatsatsin Church), St. Sahak (St. Sahak Partev Church) and St. Kirakos (with the namesake church). Despite the unfavorable demographic conditions, as a result of which St. Sahak and St. Kirakos districts almost completely deserted and uninhabited already in the 80s of the 19th century, over 6.000 Armenians (about half of the population) lived in Palu city on the eve of the Armenian Genocide. The villages and settlements of Havav, Dzet, Najaran, Nekhri (Nerkhi), Paghin, Til, Okhu (Yegh), Tepe (Blur) and Khoshmat were also notable for their populousness.

As for Maden canton, though the Armenian population was presented in separate islands (enclave), such as Maden or (Arghno Maden) and Arghni boroughs, Akl (Angh) settlement and a number of village, Armenian traces were preserved in many settlements of the administrative unit (churches, Armenian cemeteries, places of pilgrimage). The monastery of the Most High St. Astvatsatsin (Arghno Monastery) was renowned.

SEMANTIC AND OCCASIONAL NEOLOGISMS IN THE 2018-2019 ELECTRONIC MEDIA OF ARMENIA – 2020-2

Summary

Anush A. Khachatryan
Along with the blazing development of the information culture, neologisms have become an integral part of the press language.

The electronic media, where social-political struggle has penetrated, is a powerful propaganda weapon. It is regularly updated with semantic neologisms. In connection with the events in Armenia in 2018-2019, a number of words began to be used with meanings they did not have in the past. These linguistic units, which have ironically pronounced shades, are commonly found in opposition media.

In the system of authorial neologisms, epistemic words are distinctly distinguished by their stylistic value and frequency. Unable to find a word that accurately expresses his mind in the lexicon of the language, the journalist, according to his linguistic taste, compiles new words that combine emotion, appreciation, stylistic coloring and innovative breath, reflecting both the objective image of the present moment and the subjective self-image of the author. These words make the news texts more alive and, of course, there are also a number of unsuccessful and not recommended structures.

Widespread and effective ways of creating neologisms in the electronic media are word complexion and derivation. Comparative (synthetic) compositions are created containing foreign morphemes, which are formed in accordance with the word-formation rules of the Armenian language.