On the eve of the pivotal events of 1908-1909, which were crucial for the Constitutional Revolution in Iran, a debate unfolded within the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF) Dashnaktsutyun regarding the party’s participation in the ongoing internal political struggles in Turkey. The party’s leader, Rostom, suspended his comrades’ revolutionary activities in Turkey while simultaneously encouraging the extension of similar processes in Persia.
For the ARF Dashnaktsutyun, the establishment of solidarity with the Persian constitutionalists was tied not only to the objectives arising from the party’s membership in the Socialist International but also to the recognition of the civilizational affinity between the two peoples. Meanwhile, the objectives of Russian imperialism and Pan-Turkists coincided on the matter of blockading and disrupting the prospects for Iran’s revival. Consequently, during this same period, the activities of Social Democrats and other revolutionary groups representing the Caucasian Tatars in Persia were fueled not only by the Russian Police Department’s intent to counterbalance the ARF Dashnaktsutyun’s actions but also by Turkish authorities, who sought to establish their presence in certain regions of Atrpatakan (Azerbaijan).
This was compounded by the ARF Dashnaktsutyun’s selfless support for the defense of Tabriz, led by Rostom and his associates, which culminated in the June 1909 victory of the Constitutional Revolution. Following this victory, during the formation of a new government, thanks to Yeprem Davtyan—known as the “Garibaldi of Persia”—the multinational revolutionary underground operating in the country began viewing the ARF Dashnaktsutyun and its leaders as military and political guarantors of the revolution’s success. However, unlike the Dashnaktsutyun, figures representing the Caucasian Tatars continued their intrigues behind the back of the Persian Constitutional Revolution.
The Young Turks also became increasingly active, attempting to counterbalance the revolutionary movement unfolding in Iran. Recognizing the exceptional authority and influence of Yeprem Davtyan, Chief of Tehran Police, as a potential hindrance to their efforts, the Young Turks sought to win his favor and utilize his extraordinary military talent, inviting him to Turkey to participate in the Italo-Turkish War or the Libyan Campaign.
By the end of 1911, deepening contradictions between the ARF Dashnaktsutyun and the Young Turks, coupled with the perilous situation developing around Persia between 1910 and 1912, made it unthinkable for Yeprem to accept such an invitation. While constitutionalists heroically repelled the return of reactionary forces, Tsarist Russia and the British Empire hastened to solidify the 1907 agreement dividing Persia into spheres of influence.
As a result, the leadership of the Constitutional Revolution, relying on the determination of Persian patriots and ARF Dashnaktsutyun fighters assembled in the Majlis, made a decisive decision. On February 2, 1911, they invited American William Morgan Shuster to Persia as the government’s financial adviser and chief treasurer. Shuster, a genuine supporter of Persian and Armenian revolutionaries and their heroic commander Yeprem Davtyan, played a pivotal role.
Although the subsequent attempt at revenge by Mohammad Ali Shah was thwarted by Yeprem Davtyan’s detachments, which defeated the Shah’s supporters and Turkmen tribesmen during the battles of September 1911, the Tsarist government, alarmed by Shuster’s reforms, severed diplomatic relations and sent troops to Persia on November 8, 1911. The weak and vulnerable Iranian government was forced to concede to the Russo-British ultimatum of November 29, expelling Shuster from Persia and dissolving the Majlis
on December 20.
It seemed as though the revolution had come to an end. However, as a symbol of the joint struggle of the Armenian and Persian peoples for freedom, Yeprem Davtyan continued his fight against reactionary forces until his martyrdom on May 6, 1912.